" Personally, I feel that I can not vote for this government. "It is 20: 15, 10 January 2020, when Zied Ladhari throw a political bomb in the chamber of the Bardo. The Assembly of people's representatives (ARP) is meeting in plenary session for a vote of confidence to the government concocted by Habib Jemli. The assault comes not from training hostile to Ennahda, but one of its leading figures. He, a young quadra (44 years old) is considered by many as the future of the movement, several times minister, defy publicly the president of the party, Rached Ghannouchi, who is also president of the ARP. His response, calm, meticulous, has the appearance of an indictment against the chairman of the party since 1990. It rake "the amateurism" of the team which is to be submitted to the deputies. He adds that the country is in need of " skills ". His name has never been mentioned to become the president of the government despite a charming resume. The list of four names to lead the Kasbah, subject to the parties likely to form a coalition with Ennahda, was not hers. In the aftermath of the narrow victory of the islamists in legislative elections, 52 mps out of 217 in Parliament, he felt his time coming. It would be different.
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The Shura divided to bring down the government Fakhfakh
Six weeks later, the social democrat Elyes Fakhfakh moved to the Kasbah. Ennahda supports it, getting six departments. The relations are not good, but " we are not obliged to love us ", says a member of Ennahda. Soon, they are getting worse. The clan Ghannouchi offers to " turn the page Fakhfakh ", the orders for just four months. It will take three tips of the Shura, the decision-making body of the party, for which a majority is formed in favour of the "withdrawal of trust", by 54 votes to 38.
The discussions have been ardent, laborious, dragged on at as often in this upper room. Some believe that there is " a lot to lose in this adventure." Nicknamed " internally, the Sheikh (" the wise ") by imposing its own political aims. Despite the crisis of the coronavirus, admittedly limited, Ennahda causes the fall of the executive. Fakhfakh resigns in the morning, and turned the ministers Ennahda party the same evening. That Abdellatif Mekki, minister of Health, instead of appreciated for his management of the subject. By this act, Rached Ghannouchi defeated the image that peaufinait the party for 2015 : the one of a stabilizer, a political life in the byzantine. The HQ of Montplaisir, a neighborhood stuck at the entrance of Tunis, breaks. The management Ghannouchi, 79 years, has become too clannish. He runs with a restricted circle : a son, Mouadh, his son-in-law, Rafik Abdessalem, of the barons who owe much to him. Any other policy line runs up to the centurions of the Sheikh.
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management Ghannouchi on the decline
Ennahda, which has often been presented as a model of discipline, organization, and is no longer able to conceal his internal quarrels. "There has always been disagreements, but it was resolved in-house and once the decision is made, it was accepted by all ", decrypts the one of its members. Today, decisions are taken by the majority thanks to the insistence of Rached Ghannouchi. Hichem Larayedh, the son of Ali Larayedh, former Prime minister from 2012 to 2014, will formalize his departure. As the offspring of one of the historical figures of the movement, slams the door, via a post Facebook, was not insignificant.
The decision to cause the fall of the government Fakhfakh accelerates desires for change within the organization. During the next congress, the president, Ghannouchi should cede his chair, chairperson, rules of procedure requires. No date has been set.
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A base election divided by three
They are one million five hundred thousand to vote for Ennahda in 2011. They will only be five hundred and sixty thousand in 2019. If it is the first parliamentary block, the seat has melted. Its base has had to swallow many snakes under the magisterium Ghannouchi : a vote by the reconciliation act administrative (who forgives those who have committed sins under the dictatorship), an alliance with Nidaa Tounes party, Beji Caid Essebsi, after the elections of 2014 (ECB as then Ennahda of " medieval "), marginalization of transitional justice, (while thousands of supporters, tortured, and imprisoned under Ben Ali, demanded repair)... on the balance sheet of eight years of the exercise of power, it is economically low. Almost ten years after the revolution, which is not the fact of Ennahda, the balance sheet of the era Ghannouchi tarnishes. At almost eighty years old, the man is now challenged by the supporters of his party.
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