The limit of 12 months imposed by the calendar it is likely to narrow to describe the 2019 Spanish, a cycle as giddy as unproductive in the system and the institutions arising out of the 1978 Constitution, have been subjected to the greatest strain in decades by the succession of electoral events, government functions, the inability of the parties to reach agreements, and by the instability in Catalonia for the process of independence and its derivative judicial.
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The year that is ending could be defined as 2019 long —the opposite of the short TWENTIETH century that the british historian Eric Hobsbawm ranged between 1914 and 1991—. This was started on December 2, 2018 with the elections in andalusia, in which Vox broke into the institutions and will end with the inauguration of the president of the Government, whenever it arrives. In this time, Spain has ridden on the vacuum as a bicycle without a chain; and the brakes, although they resist, they give samples of that start to heat up.
The voters, exhausted, they begin to criminalize the politics of electoral benefit immediately exerted by advisors to back-office. The carousel has devoured leaders settled as Albert Rivera and has encouraged the extreme right, homologando definitely to Spain with other european countries. Now, the exception is Spanish is another: here the parties of the matrix conservative (PP) and liberal (Citizens) have sat down to negotiate the regional governments of Andalusia and Madrid and the town Hall of the capital with Vox, and have temporized with its postulates xenophobic, sexist and climate change deniers.
The ten months of Pedro Sanchez as acting president barely have left more tangible result that the exhumation, a long-awaited of the dictator Francisco Franco of his mausoleum in the Valley of the Fallen and the organization in record time of the Climate Summit COP25, which could not be held in Chile by the unrest in that country. Also, perhaps, the controversial royal decree that allows the Government to intervene in networks and services of Internet in critical situations to public order, designed to tackle the violent acts orchestrated through the network after the judgment of the procés.
For the rest, Spain, with some adjustments by royal decree, continues to operate with the Budgets prepared by the popular Cristobal Montoro in 2016. And continues to the renewal of organs such as the Constitutional Court, or the General Council of the Judiciary, which affects the perception of legitimacy of the appointments of the judges of the high court.
The blockade Spanish occurs, although it sounds paradoxical, in a political scenario in constant mutation, in which the certainties change in function of the emergency election, and demoscopic. So, Rivera, in the far September, after refusing even to meet with Sanchez in his bet catastrophic to become a leader of the right, offered to him in extremis a pact to avoid second election. In July, Pablo Iglesias, and the socialist leader were not able to bring about a coalition Government that yes it was possible to negotiate after the repetition of the elections. And Sanchez, who exhibited toughness, even intransigence, with the secessionist catalans in campaign, is now immersed in a complex negotiation with CKD to achieve the endowment. On the side, otherwise, in this turmoil the popular Paul Married has managed to strengthen its leadership, even though forced to look askance at Vox. In this Spain liquid any picture is moved.
The challenge for independence in Catalonia has been, a year or more, the factor that has determined the whole life policy. The judgment of the procés gave place to a conviction that, as predicted by the president of the court, Manuel Marchena, not liked anyone. The sentence to 13 years in prison for sedition to Oriol Junqueras, and the rest of the leaders secessionist unleashed severe episodes of street violence, especially in Barcelona, orchestrated through the social networks of the so-called Tsunami Democràtic, a move that apparently was losing strength from the large cuts of communication routes in Catalonia at the end of October until the second to last action, the failed attempt to boycott the classic Barcelona-Real Madrid, December 18. At the opposite extreme, the theory in court that the referendum illegal from 1 October 2017 and the unilateral declaration of independence were “a fantasy”, a deception to the population, and eliminate, therefore, the crime of rebellion, defended the Prosecution, giving rise to great disappointment —this may be only dialectical— between the supporters of the heavy hand with Catalonia.
The Government of Quim Torra has strengthened in this period, the strategy of confrontation with the State and the institutions, starting with the King, who would not forgive the speech of the 3 October 2017 after the referendum illegal. Felipe VI had to preside over the awards Princess of Girona in a Palace of Congresses of Barcelona bunkerizado in which the heiress, the princess Leonor, spoke in Catalan the second speech of his life, precisely the same year that the king emeritus Juan Carlos, was withdrawing from public life. Torra, president-activist, has spearheaded the road cuts and the protests against the ruling Supreme and has maintained a position deliberately ambiguous to the organized violence that fell outside of the Mossos in the streets.
The police regional has reestablished ties with the bodies of state, the judges and prosecutors, quite damaged after the 1-O. The parties separatists have come out in defense of the nine CDR detainees and the accused –two remain in prison for terrorism in the National court for storing material for the manufacture of explosives. This turning away from the idea of the republic by way strictly peaceful is perhaps the most notable change of the pro-independence in this 2019.
The steady pulse of Torra and the parties independence in the Parliament in favour of the self-determination of Catalonia has resulted in several setbacks of the Constitutional and the conviction to Torra a year and a half to disqualification for disobedience for refusing to remove a banner in favor of the political prisoners as ordered by the Central Electoral Board. This failure, it is still not firm, you may display its effects in 2020, forcing the Round to summon the Catalan elections before the Supreme confirm the disqualification and the president will lose that privilege very personal. And after the recent sentence of european parliamentary immunity of Oriol Junqueras —the that paradoxically, the biggest winner has been his great rival, the runaway Carles Puigdemont— is to see the influence of the struggle between CKD and Junts per Catalunya for the hegemony's independence in the investiture of Pedro Sanchez.
corruption has remained in 2019 as part of the Spanish landscape. The judgment of the case of the ERE fraudulent of Andalusia, with the conviction of former presidents of the Junta, Manuel Chaves and José Antonio Griñán, rocked the PSOE. And became ammunition in response to a PP bullied by the embers of the Gürtel, the case of the Punic —with the imputation of Esperanza Aguirre as the main course— or, in the case Lezo.
however, the record with the greatest potential destabilizing remains the commissioner's retired Jose Manuel Villarejo and its tasks of espionage to different circles of power, including some of the largest companies in the IBEX 35.
The few moments of unity in this picture of stagnation have brought in these months the natural disasters, such as floods each time more devastating in the mediterranean coast or the forest fires, like the one that swept through in August, the mountain of Gran Canaria. And especially the rescue of the body of the baby Julen out of the well of Totalán in January. In those days, the 2019 was longer than ever.Updated Date: 30 December 2019, 00:00