" The president is trying to find her Chevènement ", told us a few months ago an advisor Emmanuel Macron, without a doubt, the same who spoke to our colleague of The Express. We gently laughed, as the person concerned himself, when he has reported the matter in January, on the sidelines of a symposium dedicated to the thought of Philippe Séguin. "It doesn't work like that," he responded, without wishing to sound too pretentious. He wanted to say that an idea is living, that she must dwell in the one who wears it, and that it is vain to look for another to do it, even with a great awareness, otherwise it is taking the risk to make a pale parrot, and, in the end, undermine the idea in question. It was, for the president to find someone capable of talking about immigration and secularism without being suspect of racism, and without angering the left wing of his majority. Jean-Pierre Chevènement is beyond any suspicion, it is true. It has not always been so. We recall campaigns against him, the hand on the left and friends of Lionel Jospin, on the theme of the return of France, rancid, mouldy, in the background pétainiste, because the candidate for the presidential election of 2002 had put the nation at the heart of his project and that he advocated the union of republicans of the left and right.

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"Shut the fuck up"

today, it represents, for many, the consistency in policy, a form of far-sightedness particularly on the themes of secularism, of Europe and of the industry. He is the one who removes the political bias of ethnicity. Some of us say, with regret, that the antidote to populism may be there. A Chevènement, or Seguin, would have been able to have the ear of the people, while telling him a few truths. But now, the elites have snubbed him, and he was locked up, after 2002, in agreements of the district without an end with the socialist Party.

Emmanuel Macron appreciate it. He voted for him in 2002, and campaigned at the side of Georges Sarre – held Macron himself, who was quick to remind that he has always been attached to the role of the State. They have exchanged during the confinement, and there has been much discussion of the economy. Marine Le Pen, we know from the rallying old Florian Philippot, is also recognized in the overcoming of the divisions proposed by the founder of the MRC. There are also others who appreciate it. The Maverick, of the race of the antisystème who don't like yet person, who conspuent the whole of the political class, with the exception of him, Chevènement. At the mention of this name, they become more tender, know that the man is situated at a high altitude, that it does not give any lesson of maintaining and the first of the sovereignty for a political man is, indeed, not to close its " mouth ".

Someone like Michel Onfray, for example, leave happy store among the chevènementistes. "Chevènement, this is the man who tries to take related ethics of conviction and ethics of responsibility," he said in Frustration. And, when the philosopher borst, " the State maastrichtian ", which is at the heart of his political theories, you'd hear, at times, the " Che ". The latter appears elsewhere – a little in spite of himself – "among the authors" of the journal of the popular Front founded by Onfray.

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Even the prefect Lallement

Eric Zemmour, him, says he is close to some of his ideas, but more importantly of the man, who had testified in his favour at his trial, in 2011, after he declared that " most traffickers are black and arab, it is like that, it is a fact ". "I hate the politically correct, I think you have to love the debate, said the former senator. Even if I don't share all of his ideas, he has the advantage of shoving all the ideas received. It is not fundamentally racist, it is useful. "Even the now famous prefect of police, Didier Lallement, former member of Ceres, passed by the cabinet of Chevènement to Beauvau, is said, in private, chevènementiste. As if France itself was chevènementiste, that it was the perfect definition of his policy, the point of balance acceptable to all.

Let's hope that, if the question is asked, Didier Raoult get the answer that it is politically, too, close to someone like Chevènement...